Showing posts with label Romans 13. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Romans 13. Show all posts

Monday, March 12, 2007

The Resistance of Radical Love: Part V: The Radical Use of Hidden Transcripts in Romans 13.1-7


The Radical Use of Hidden Transcripts in Romans 13.1-7

The first clue that Paul is up to something other than presenting a first century version of ‘political realism’ in Romans 13.1-7 is the consequences, such rhetoric would have on the gospel Paul proclaims.[1] According to Käsemann the notions expressed in Romans 13.1-7, ‘that the authorities constantly seek to be God’s servants, is obviously exaggerated if not wholly incredible’; the ‘proof’ Paul offers for his exhortation is ‘forced’ and lacking in persuasiveness.[2] Forced, because one is left wondering how a community tempted to rebellion (13:2) by the exorbitant abuses of the tax gatherers, really would have had their minds changed by platitudes about magistrates serving the good and punishing only the bad (13:3, 4).[3] Even more troubling are the discrepancies within the immediate context of Romans 12-13. First, while the context of 12.1 is apocalyptic, there is a lapse of this in 13:1-7 and then present again in 13:11-12; Second, is the assignment of vengeance as God’s prerogative to avenge wrong-doing (cf. 12:19-20), which in Romans 13.4 is given the government authorities. Finally, Paul in 12.2 seems to imply that what is good, acceptable and perfect is tied up to the gospel; the vindication of crucified Lord, yet in 13:3 ‘traditional’ social values of ‘good’ and ‘bad’ are accepted without qualification, even though in the surrounding context Paul anticipates that Christians will suffer unjust persecution from their neighbors (12:17-21), and exhorts Christians to ‘cast off the works of darkness’ that characterize the present evil age (13:11-13). These discrepancies are clues to the Christians at Rome that something more is happening than meets the eye. Paul, I believe, is extolling an exaggerated public transcript, in an effort to challenge his readers to see the Roman state ideology for what it is an idolatrous ideology that cannot coexist with the gospel in which Paul proclaims.[4]

Thus Paul’s exaggerated public transcript in 13.1-7 can not be properly interpreted without special attention to how Paul frames the text. Before Paul talks about the government he exhorts the Roman Christians to not be conformed to this world, but to rather be transformed by a renewed imagination (12.2). This call relativizes and at the same time contextualizes the statements of 13:1-7. The Christians of Rome are reminded that their primary commitment is not to any other authority, but rather to God. Paul calls them to distance themselves by remembering the ethics of the cross, and to avoid any straightforward identification with the Roman imperial system.[5] Paul continues by exhorting the Roman Christians toward an ethic of non-retaliation, summonsing them to repay evil with good (12.16-21). Paul seeks to remind them of the enormous breakthrough achieved by Jesus in his teaching and death; that to suffer innocently and not to retort or retaliate is to win a far greater victory than can ever be achieved by hitting back. It is to win a victory over evil itself.[6] Paul is thus calling the Roman Christians for nothing less than the imagination to live a life that is governed by Cruciformity, or as Theissen has so aptly put it, ‘the renunciation of status and the love for the ‘other’.’ This is exactly what the essence of primitive Christianity was all about, the symbiotic relationship between revolutionary love of the other, and the renunciation of status; as exemplified in the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.[7] In fact the list of practices that are delineated starting in chapter 12 are all implications of and follow from the apocalyptic vindication of Jesus Christ on the cross.

Just as the remarks immediately preceding Romans13.1-7 help to elucidate the text, of equal importance for framing the purposes of Paul’s text are the verses that immediately follow. Paul concludes the section dealing with the governing authorities with the language of debt. In fact in Romans 13.7 Paul says to ‘Pay to all what is due them. . .’ This language is not only an admonition to give to the authorities what they require, but as Kathy Ehrensperger perceptively notes is, ‘also an inherent hint not to give anything more than that.’[8] In verse 8 Paul returns to the language of debt stating that despite, what has just been previously stated, the Roman Christians are required to ‘Owe no one anything, except to love one another; for the one who loves another has fulfilled the law.’ Paul’s juxtaposition of dept language (ovfeila,j/ovfei,lete) and love (avgapa/n, avgapw/n) again challenges the Roman social structure as an absolute authority and offers the concept of a ‘debt of love’ as an alternative system of authority, as a measuring stick which gauges the actions and intentions of both individuals and governing institutions. Paul moves beyond the traditional ideas of indebtedness and challenges the community to understand their debt to humanity as the logical consequence of love.[9]

The revolutionary nature of the ‘hidden transcripts’ found in Romans 13.1-7 is that they do not conform to the regular nature of hidden transcripts themselves. Paul’s aim is not for the Christians of Rome to do clandestine things ‘offstage’ that might subvert the Roman Empire. Rather Paul is calling for the Christians at Rome to be much more like Walter Brueggemann’s insightful description of Garrett Green’s idea of a ‘Copula of Imagination’.[10] Brueggemann states that when Paul desires to reorganize and reshape the imaginations of the Roman Christians, he often uses the language of ‘as.’ The ‘as’ that Paul proclaims is not the ‘as’ of empire, it is not the ‘as’ founded in the reality of the hear and now, but it is the ‘as’ that looks forward, it is the ‘as’ grounded in the apocalyptic vision of the cross, the ‘as’ of a new reality made possible by the vindication of the Lord Jesus Christ.[11] Paul offers the ‘as’ of the paraenesis over against the ‘as’ of the empire by encouraging the community of believers to act in a manner that gives priority to personhood in God, not to the judicial or legalistic prescriptions of the law or the hierarchal and exploitive social relations of the Roman state.[12] For Paul the ‘hidden transcript’ must be made the public transcript of love. A radical transcript that is not merely for ones neighbors, but also for ones enemies, a transcript that does not only seek out vengeance when wrong, doesn’t even wish for vengeance, but allows for the final vindication of God in Christ Jesus on the last days, a public transcript that is to embrace ones enemy, not in order to punish them, for how can that be love, but is offered as an opportunity to manifest the ethic of cruciformity, and a public transcript that should never thwart even the most modest inquiries into our government’s complicity in repression or evil.[13]


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[1] If in Romans 13:1-7 Paul was in fact addressing the subject of the Christians responsibility towards the government, then it would be the only significant treatment of the issue in the whole Pauline corpus. C.f., Elliott, "Imperial Propaganda," 184-5.

[2] Ernst Käsemann, Commentary on Romans, trans. Geoffrey William Bromiley (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980), 357-59.
[3] Elliott, Liberating Paul, 219-20.
[4] I use the term exaggerated because of Elliott’s study done on the contemporary discussions of the maintenance of public order and the political rhetoric of peace used by the Roman Emperors of this time to discount the use of the sword. Elliott claims that this is evidence of polemic by Paul directly contrasting the Empires wishes to be seen as peaceful and ruling through benevolence. See Elliott, Liberating Paul, 219-20; Neil Elliott, "Strategies of Resistance and Hidden Transcripts in the Pauline Communities," in Hidden Transcripts and the Arts of Resistance: Applying the Work of James C. Scott to Jesus and Paul, ed. Richard A. Horsley (Semeia Studies 48; Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature, 2004), 97-102.

[5] Kathy Ehrensperger, "A Subversive Reading of Paul: A Response to Stubbs, "Subjection, Reflection, Resistance"," in Navigating Romans through Cultures: Challenging Readings by Charting a New Course, ed. Khiok-Khng Yeo (Romans through history and culture series; New York: T & T Clark International, 2004), 199.
[6] Wright, "The Letter to the Romans," 723. What Paul wants here is not to stop the Christians in Rome from taking to the streets, but rather he wants to keep them from private resentments and from the calculation of one’s just deserts, for these are the spiritual roots of scapegoating violence. It is impossible to be caught up in scapegoating and to live the ethic of mutual compassion and striving for the common good. C.f., Elliott, Liberating Paul, 223. It also may be noted that Paul was not advocating that the Roman Christians live peaceably among all in order to ‘effect a change in the abuser’ or achieve ‘the conversion and reconciliation of opponents.’ But rather Paul maintains that for those who believe in the vindication of God, this is how the community participates in the defeating of evil itself. C.f., Zerbe, "Paul's Ethic of Non-Retaliation and Peace," 177-222.
[7] This point is made explicit in ethics section of Gerd Theissen, A Theory of Primitive Christian Religion (London: SCM, 1999). For a philosophical treatment of the ‘other’ see Emmanuel Lévinas, Otherwise Than Being, or, Beyond Essence (Pittsburgh, Pa.: Duquesne University Press, 1998), Ch. 4. On the importance of the crucified Lord in Paul’s thought see Michael J. Gorman, Cruciformity: Paul's Narrative Spirituality of the Cross (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2001).
[8] Ehrensperger, "A Response to Stubbs," 200. Interestingly enough the subtle acknowledgment that the ‘ministers’ power is not established by their own will, but only by the will of God, is a clear limitation and thus a relativising of any absolute power claim
[9] Stubbs, "Subjection, Reflection, Resistance," 188. See also, the comments by, Ehrensperger, "A Response to Stubbs," 199.
[10] Garrett Green, Imagining God: Theology and the Religious Imagination, 1st ed. (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1989), 137-45.
[11] Walter Brueggemann, Texts under Negotiation: The Bible and Postmodern Imagination (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993), 14.

[12] Stubbs, "Subjection, Reflection, Resistance," 189-90.
[13] Elliott, Liberating Paul, 226.

Tuesday, March 06, 2007

The Resistance of Radical Love: Part IV: Romans 13.1-7 and the Role of Apocalyptical Language as Subversive to the Official Ideology


The Role of Apocalyptic as a Means of Subversion to the Official Ideology

One of the lenses in which Paul offers his communities to see things differently is that of apocalyptic discourse. Leo Perdue argues that paraenetic literature often functions as a method of subversion. Paraenetic literature is subversive because it offers an alternative system of ethics which appeal to nature, the gods, and tradition in order to support its own ideology. Moral exhortations are a powerful means of ideological control in the process of group formation. By offering a different totalizing system of ethics, the paraenesis starting in Romans 12 challenges the state ideology, even if in praxis it varies very little from it, namely because it calls into question the ideologies claim that it is the absolute way of being in the world.[1] Any insubordination to a totalizing system, even if it is a relatively small insurgency within the public transcript, is nevertheless a means of subversion simply because it attacks the symbolic Achilles heel of the state.[2]

The apocalyptic nature of the paraenesis is intended to turn the world the Romans live in upside down. Romans 12 starts with a call for the Roman Christians ‘to have their minds ‘renewed’ rather than be ‘conformed to this world’ so that they might ‘prove what the will of God is, that which is good and acceptable and perfect’ (12:2), instead of asserting their rights regardless of the impact on the ‘weak’. The Roman Christians’ positive response to Pau1’s exhortation will mean nothing less than a ‘fore-taste’ of the eschatological worship in which Israel and the nations are to be joined (15:7-12); further, it will fulfill his sacred service by guaranteeing the sanctity of his ‘offering of the nations’ (15:14-16).[3] Gordon Zerbe concurs that the wider context of Romans 12 and 13 involves the theme of nonrivalrous love ( avga,ph avnupo,kritoj, 12:9) and “the apocalyptic conflict between the aeons of good and evil” (12:19-20; 13:11-13).[4] Walter Wink writes, ‘discernment does not entail esoteric knowledge, but rather the gift of seeing reality as it really is. Nothing is more rare, or more truly revolutionary, than an accurate description of reality’[5] Indeed the Seer’s gift is not to be immune to invasion by the empire’s spirituality, but to be able to discern the internalized spirituality, name it, and externalize it.[6] The paraenesis, at least at the level of thought, creates an imaginative breathing space in which the normal categories of order and hierarchy are less than completely inevitable.[7] Paul understands that there are real obstacles to resistance, but he wants to make sure that the inability of the Christians in Rome to imagine a counterfactual social order is not one of them.[8] Paul’s hope is to empower the Christians at Rome to break through the idolatries of “worldly” structures and build a community and an ideological stance grounded in offering their minds and bodies to the worship of God through the voluntary indebtedness (love of neighbor)’ and the only way this can be achieved is for them to be able to see reality as it really is.[9]


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[1] Perdue, "The Social Character of Paraenesis and Paraenetic Literature," 6-9. Yes; and this is perhaps part of the point. If the gospel of Jesus, God’s Son, the King who will rule the nations (1:3-4; 15:12) does indeed reveal God’s justice and salvation, which put to shame the similar claims of Caesar (1:16-17; Phil 2:5-11; 3:19-21); if it is true that those who accept this gospel will themselves exercise a royal reign (5:17); and if Paul suspects that his audience in Rome are getting this message-then it is all the more important to make it clear that this does not mean a holy anarchy in the present, an over realized eschatology in which the rule of Christ has already abolished all earthly governments and magistrates. Precisely because Paul is holding out for the day when all creation will be renewed (8:1- 27), when every knee shall bow at the name of Jesus (Phi12:10-11), it is vital that the excitable little groups of Christians should not take the law into their own hands in advance, so Wright, "The Letter to the Romans," 718-9.
[2] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 106.
[3] Neil Elliott, "Romans 13.1-7 in the Context of Imperial Propaganda," in Paul and Empire: Religion and Power in Roman Imperial Society, ed. Richard A. Horsley (Harrisburg: Trinity Press International, 1997), 195. The flip side of this is that Paul’s exhortation is an attempt to wrest from the empire the right to declare where justice is to be discerned; see Elliott, Liberating Paul, 215.
[4] Gordon Zerbe, "Paul's Ethic of Non-Retaliation and Peace," in The Love of Enemy and Nonretaliation in the New Testament. , ed. W. Swartley (Studies in Peace and Scripture 3; Philadelphia: Westminster John Knox, 1992), 177-222.
[5] Walter Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernment and Resistance in a World of Domination (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1992), 89.
[6] Wink, Engaging the Powers: Discernment and Resistance in a World of Domination, 89.
[7] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 168. In using the term imagination, I acquiesce to Brueggemann’s definition to mean, ‘very simply the human capacity to picture, portray receive, and practice the world in ways other than it appears to be at first glance when seen through a dominant, habitual, unexamined lens. More succinctly, imagination as the quintessential human act is a valid way of knowing,’ So Walter Brueggemann, Biblical Perspectives on Evangelism: Living in a Three-Storied Universe (Nashville: Abingdon, 1993), 13.
[8] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 81.
[9] Stubbs, "Subjection, Reflection, Resistance," 190.

Monday, February 26, 2007

The Resistance of Radical Love: Part III: Romans 13.1-7 as the public transcript


Romans 13.1-7 as a Hidden Transcript

The reasons Paul’s discourse in Romans 13.1-7 works well as an examination for possible hidden transcripts is two fold. The first is the convincing scholarly development of placing the Pauline corpus over against the rhetoric of the Roman imperial order.[1] The second is that it allows Paul’s use of apocalyptic language to be something other than mere rhetoric.[2]

The Official Ideology of the Roman Imperial Order: Romans 13.1-7 as The Public Transcript

The logic of Romans 13.1-7 on its surface is that everything has its right place, and is ordered by cosmic law. What ultimately maintains this order is a system of retribution which, on the one hand, sustains life and grants well-being to those who live in harmony with the cosmic law, yet on the other hand, brings punishment and destruction to any violators. Moreover this order is deemed an element of creation itself, and is enforced by the power of the state and her laws. The world that Rome offers, is a ‘practical’ totality (a totality constituted and characterized by relationships of praxis), a system or structure of prevailing, dominant social actions and relationships, and elsewhere in the Pauline corpus described as under the hegemony of evil.[3] In the Roman State it was the religion (esp. the imperial cult) that legitimated its social institutions, patterns and laws, and its festivals and rituals were designed through mythic enactment to sustain the natural and social order.[4] Conformity to the social rules and obligations of the Roman society was required, while variance from the laws and customs of the prevailing order was labeled as deviant behavior, threatening the well-being of both the individual and the society. Change was viewed as disruptive and consequently was resisted by both political power and through symbolic rituals.[5]

This paradigm is fortified by the use of divine characteristics throughout the argumentation in Romans 13:1-7, divine characteristics such as ‘every person should submit to God,’ ‘God punishes those who resist his ordinations,’ ‘God always does what is good’ and ‘everything belongs to God’. Through a strategy of transitive argumentation, these values are transposed to the authorities – primarily to warrant the claim that authorities are ordinations of God and should therefore be obeyed by everyone. Accordingly authorities have a specific place within the Roman society. Indeed their function and authority form part of the cosmic order. The authorities are instrumental in maintaining this order through a system of retribution and punishment. Those who live in harmony with this order, that is, in this specific context, those who submit to the authorities, are characterized as people who ‘do good’ (13:3). To ‘do good” is to conduct oneself in accordance with the divine characteristic, ‘God always does what is good.’ Those who ‘do good’ are retributed; they receive the authorities’ approval and praise (kai. e[xeij e;painon evx auvth/j, 13:3), and their life and well-being are assured. This approval or bestowing of praise from the authorities is specifically grounded with a reference to the function of the authorities in terms of their divine ordination: (qeou/ ga.r dia,kono,j evstin soi. eivj) to. avgaqo,n (the authority is a servant of God for your good, 13:4). Note that what the ‘good’ consists of is not ever expanded upon, rather it is an unspoken assumption that everyone knows what the good is (and inversely what the bad is). This general and unspoken assumption is a further example of an all pervasive ideology.

Those who violate this ideology which nature itself attest too, in this case by resisting the authorities, will be punished: they will incur judgment ( oi` de. avnqesthko,tej e`autoi/j kri,ma lh,myontai,13:2). The punishment is explicated with the reference to the ‘sword’ being carried and used by the authorities (ouv ga.r eivkh/ th.n ma,cairan forei/, 13:4). The implication of this reference is clear, namely, the punishment consists of the fact that the authorities will execute those who do ‘bad.’ This may also be taken as an assumption presupposing a cosmic order of harmony and order. Again because everyone knows what is bad, thus to resist the authorities is one specific example of ‘bad’ conduct. To resist the authorities, therefore, endangers the harmony of the divinely ordained cosmic order sustained by the divinely ordained authorities. Therefore ‘bad’ behavior should be rooted out to ensure the continued harmonious existence of the cosmic order. [6] Representing the ruling elite’s ideology the moral exhortation of Romans 13:1-7 is a powerful means of ideological control in order to enforce submission to its authoritarian rule and its conception of ‘law and order.’

It seems that at face value Paul is in collusion with the ruling elite’s, and that he is making sure that his communities will be safeguarded against any imperial backlash. But it is my contention that what Paul is doing is identifying how the Roman government wants to co-opt its subjects into good servants of the state. [7] Paul offers an exaggerated public transcript which on the one hand warns his communities that there are real dangers to standing up to those in power, but on the other hand, reminds the Christians at Rome of the importance in acknowledging the ideological system in which they live, because it is only by being cognizant of the system, that they can refrain from being subjected by it.[8] What Paul offers his communities is the freedom that comes only with reflection, a freedom that Monya Stubbs remarks, ‘involves participation in the governing structure with the discerning awareness that it represents one but not the absolute way of being in the world’.[9]

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[1] There has been a steady percolation in biblical studies regarding the (re)interpretation of Paul against the backdrop of the Roman imperial order. This attention for biblical scholars is long overdue, since classical studies have been pushed to re-evaluate the Imperial Cult due to the ground-breaking study of Simon Price’s 1986 monograph S. R. F. Price, Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). Price’s study set out to understand the Imperial Cult without the classical, western, or ‘Christian’, notions of religion setting the limits of discussion and has been confirmed and enhanced by the study of Ittai Gradel, Emperor Worship and Roman Religion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002). This methodological innovation resulted in the study of the Imperial Cult as a serious religion, with rituals that not only helped define the public space, but which were essential to the maintenance of the hegemony of Roman rule. Although many biblical scholars have been reluctant to see Paul’s manuscripts as possible political polemics, for fear that Paul the theologian might be relegated to the sidelines, there is a growing number within the guild that see the polemics against the Roman imperial order as a natural out-growth of Paul’s own Jewish apocalyptic soteriology. See, Elliott, Liberating Paul; Richard Horsley, "Submerged Biblical Histories and Imperial Biblical Studies," in The Postcolonial Bible, ed. R. S. Sugirtharajah (Bible and Postcolonialism 1; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998); Brian J. Walsh and Sylvia C. Keesmaat, Colossians Remixed: Subverting the Empire (Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 2004); N. T. Wright, Paul: Fresh Perspectives (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2006).

[2] In using apocalyptic, I prefer Wright’s pragmatic definition, that insists that, ‘Apocalyptic is a way of investing space-time events with theological significance; it is actually a way of affirming the vital importance of the present continuing space-time order,’ no matter how bad in ‘reality’ things had become. Apocalyptic was a way of reclaiming the imagination by denying that evil will have the last word, by opening up a ‘reality’ that is otherwise closed off, and by calling into account the sustainers of the imperial imagination. SeeN. T. Wright, The New Testament and the People of God (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1992), 280-99.


[3] Enrique Dussel, Ethics and Community (New York: Orbis Books, 1988), 29.


[4] See, Gradel, Emperor Worship and Roman Religion; Steven J. Friesen, Imperial Cults and the Apocalypse of John: Reading Revelation in the Ruins (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001); Price, Rituals and Power.


[5] Leo G. Perdue, "The Social Character of Paraenesis and Paraenetic Literature," Semeia 50 (1990): 6-7.


[6] Jan Botha, Subject to Whose Authority?: Multiple Readings of Romans 13 (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994), 204-05.


[7] Paul in effect recognizes the power of the ideology of the Roman Imperial order, its cultural norms, institutions, and traditions, to mold patterns of individual behavior. So, James D. G. Dunn, Romans, 2 vols., vol. 2 (WBC 38b; Dallas: Word Books, 1988), 712.


[8] Monya A. Stubbs, "Subjection, Reflection, Resistance: An African American Reading of the Three-Dimensional Process of Empowerment in Romans 13 and the Free-Market Economy," in Navigating Romans through Cultures: Challenging Readings by Charting a New Course, ed. Khiok-Khng Yeo (Romans through history and culture series; New York: T & T Clark International, 2004), 186. Wright notes that what Paul is saying is that ‘preaching and living the gospel must always be announcing and following Jesus, rather than Caesar, as the true Lord. But the eschatological balance must be kept. The church must live as a sign of the coming complete kingdom of Jesus Christ; but since that kingdom is characterized by ‘righteousness, peace, and Joy in the Holy Spirit,’ it cannot be inaugurated in the present by chaos, violence, and hatred [cf. 14:17]. The methods of the Messiah himself (12:14-21) must be used in living out his kingdom within the present world.’ See, N. T. Wright, "The Letter to the Romans," in The New Interpreter's Bible (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 2002), 720.


[9] Stubbs, "Subjection, Reflection, Resistance," 183.

Monday, February 19, 2007

The Resistance of Radical Love: Part II: Hidden Transcripts


James C. Scott Hidden Transcripts a Way Forward?

For this we enlist the methodological frame provided by James C. Scott in his recent study Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts. Scott’s work opens up a new interpretive frame, which allows us to analyze Romans 13.1-7 without succumbing to a ‘political realism’ which would undermine the cruciform communities in which Paul seeks to create. Indeed Scott’s study allows for the apocalyptic aspects of Paul’s gospel to remain in the forefront, calling the community to see that the Roman imperial order is but an illusion, an ideology, and giving them the resources to live differently.

Scott suggests that in any political situation where an elite class dominates segments of the population, you have an implicit or explicit ruling ideology, with differing levels of discourse throughout the population. Like performers in a play, there is an official script in which the performers are expected to perform; this script, according to Scott, is managed by the ruling elites, and is made up of the ruling ideology, and is designated the ‘public transcript’. Scott likens the ‘public transcript’ to that of a ‘self-portrait,’ a painting demonstrating how the dominant elites would like the rest of the population to see them.[1] This is contrasted by the ‘hidden transcripts’ which are the discourses that take place ‘offstage,’ beyond the intimidating gaze of power holders, and which diverge from the official script.[2] The oppressed group’s survival in such a society usually depends on their seeming compliance and obedience to the ‘onstage’ script, which follows the political play of the elite, hoping to find recourse for their interests within the prevailing ideology, without appearing in the least bit seditious.[3] Of course this is not the only recourse for the oppressed, the ‘hidden transcripts’ which while relegated to the ‘offstage’, beyond the scrutiny of the power holders, offers the oppressed group, a ‘politics of disguise and anonymity that takes place in public view, but is designed to have a double meaning in order to shield the identity of the actors.’[4]

Scott further nuances his discussion of both ‘public’ and ‘hidden’ transcripts to include both the elites whom have power and the oppressed who reside at the other end of the spectrum. Accordingly, each group manifests to some degree the ability to perform both ‘public’ and ‘hidden’ transcripts. Thus, for example, the oppressed in peasant societies may partake in activities such as poaching, pilfering, clandestine tax evasion, and intentionally shabby work for landlords. All such activities are part and parcel of the hidden transcript. Yet for dominant elites, the hidden transcript might include clandestine luxury and privilege, the covert use of hired thugs, bribery, and tampering with land tides. These practices, in each case, are in breach of the public transcript of the ruling elites and are, if at all possible, kept offstage and unavowed.[5] Meanwhile the public transcript remains quite stable, albeit taking a good deal of maintenance in order to consistently evoke the ruling ideology through symbols of domination, demonstrations and various enactments of power. According to Scott, ‘Every visible, outward use of power, each command, each act of deference, each list and ranking, each ceremonial order, each public punishment, each use of an honorific title or a term of derogation is a symbolic gesture of domination that serves to manifest and reinforce a hierarchical order.’ Of course the persistence of any pattern of domination is always problematic, and is always a balance between the amount of resistance there is to the ruling elites and the ‘force’ required to keep it in place.[6]

Scott’s detection of the hidden transcript depends largely on the context of domination in the society. Since the hidden transcript is a social product and a result of power relations among the elites of society and their subordinates, he likens it to a type of folk culture, “the hidden transcript has no reality as pure thought,” he states “it exists only to the extent it is practiced, articulated, enacted, and disseminated within these offstage social sites.” [7] It is the detection of this double entendre that is especially hard to do in ancient texts since the texts in question can often be read as being complicitous with the official transcript, thus often providing ‘convincing’ evidence of willing, even enthusiastic participation with the forces which dominate.[8] However since it is this seemingly willingness to contribute to the sanitized official transcript that often allows the oppressed to avoid detection; the reader of ancient texts must carefully look for clues that might tip off ‘insiders’, that something else is indeed going on.[9] According to Scott the typical way to rebel against the official transcript is to hide under the protective flattery which ensures that once the oppressed come under any scrutiny from above the rebels can claim to be perfect citizens.[10] In fact it is not uncommon for the oppressed to clothe their resistance and defiance in ritualism of subordination that serve both to disguise their purposes and to provide them with a ready route of retreat that may soften the consequences of possible failure.[11] Following Scott’s lead we may then consider the dominant discourse as a plastic idiom of dialect that is capable of carrying an enormous variety of meanings, including those that are subversive even while resembling the dominant discourse itself.[12] Scott reminds us that unless the group has completely revolutionary ends the terrain of dominant discourse is the only plausible arena of struggle.[13]


[1] James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 18.

[2] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 18.

[3] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 18.

[4] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 19.

[5] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 14.

[6] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 45. Scott further states that. “Rituals of subordination are a means of demonstrating that a given system of domination is stable, effective, and here stay (66).”

[7] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 119.

[8] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 86.

[9] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 87.

[10] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 89-90.

[11] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 96.

[12] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 103.

[13] Scott, Hidden Transcripts, 103.

Tuesday, February 13, 2007

The Resistance of Radical Love: Re-reading Romans 13.1-7


The following is a paper that I have been polishing up, It will probably be an addendum in my dissertation, let me know what you think in the comments! All constructive feedback is welcome.


The Resistance of Radical Love: Re-reading Romans 13.1-7

Reading Romans 13.1-7 in the Public Square

The text of Romans 13.1-7 has been used to sanction a litany of terrible offenses throughout its history of interpretation. In fact it is impossible to read these seven verses and remain unshaken by our own agonizing awareness, that these verses were used to sanction such offenses as the American slave trade, the horrors of Auschwitz, South African apartheid, and the disappeared in Latin America. How can imagine to speak the bible in the public square when to many around the world these texts are nothing but another means of oppression. More pointedly for our purposes how do we reconcile the Pauline plea for the status quo here, and those injustices and crimes against humanity that have hidden and continue to hide behind these verses?[1]

While the answers to these questions are not easy, any examination of such issues must start with a discussion of Pauline ethics. There has seemingly always been two ways to read the ethical statements of Paul throughout the history of interpretation. The first is to see all the ethical teachings of Paul as God’s commandments and thus eternally and universally binding; the second is to see Paul’s ethical teaching as primarily outmoded, irrelevant, ridiculous and anachronistic.[2] What this rather simple dichotomy seems to miss is the paramount importance of the ethics of interpretation in any ethical discussion. Elizabeth Schussler Fiorenza in her 1987 SBL presidential address called for a re-centering of biblical studies into a more liberating praxis, which has taken an exceeding long time in my opinion to reach the evangelical circles. Schussler Fiorenza called for biblical scholars to ask such penetrating questions as (1) who is reading the text (whether individual or group) (2) which Bible does the interpretive community hold to, what authority does it grant to the text (that is, what view of the text does the interpretive community hold, what authority does it grant to the text) (3) how does it interpret the texts (which methods are used) and (4) why does the individual or community interpret the text (whose interests are at stake, what does the interpretive community want to achieve with their acts of interpretation)? With these questions, power becomes central to the interpretive task: Whose interests does the interpretation serve? What kind of worlds does the text envision? What roles, duties and values does it advocate? These questions, Schussler Fiorenza maintains, require a double ethics – an ethics of historical reading and an ethics of accountability.[3] It is the ethics of accountability which has been largely ignored when Christians attempt to speak in the public square. This paper aims to explore an interpretation of Romans 13.1-7 focusing primarily on two questions: (1) what kind of world does the interpretation of the texts envision, and (2) what might a responsible interpretation, attempting to mitigate the negative effects these seven verses have had throughout the centuries, look like.

Being mindful of the ethics of interpretation when dealing with a passage as controversial and potentially oppressive as Romans 13.1-7 is important not only because of how this passage has been used in the past to not only tolerate, but also to reinforce oppression, but also because it has been used unwittingly to distort and dismantle the cruciform ethics of the Cross. The problem here is twofold: (1) how do we reconcile Paul’s words here with what we have come to conclude about the Gospel elsewhere and (2) how do they fit with what we have come to understand about Paul? These questions are again not easily answered, in fact many modern day interpreters would rather disregard this text as unauthentic then to deal with its potentially embarrassing statements.[4] Trying to reconcile what we know of the Roman Empire and what Paul says here is often difficult as the statement by Joseph Klausener suggests:

When one considers all the shameful deeds of oppression, the murders and extortions, of the Roman government in every place where the hand of its authority reached, and particularly in the lands and provinces where Paul lived and traveled, one cannot escape a feeling of resentment and protest against this recital of praise for the tyranny of Caligula and Nero, or of Gessius Florus. One is forced to see in it flattery of the rulers.[5]

For the twenty first century mind, with our ability to teleological asses the general tenures of governments, Paul’s rhetoric seems at the very least to be over stated, and more appropriately flat out wrong.[6] One wonders whether Paul had forgotten that it was the Romans who were ultimately responsible for the death of the Christ; could he really believe that Governments only punish those who do wrong (Romans 13.4), and could he, a reputed prisoner, come to the honest conclusion that only those who have done wrong have reason to fear? Could Paul really be that deluded about the systemic evil of the Roman Empire?

Romans 13 has puzzled scholars for ages namely because it seems to offer a defense of the Roman Imperial order, and how can such a message be reconciled with the revolutionary defense of the orphan and widow. Many answers have been given to this conundrum whether Paul is simply flattering the powers, or merely an unconcerned proprietor of the status quo, none seem to make sense of what Paul is doing in the letter to Romans as a whole, much less how it fits in to the paraenesis. I hope in this paper to at least explore an alternative option that might help de-stable the sort of conservative readings of Paul so often lauded by those who have a stake in power.


[1] Winsome Munro, "Romans 13:1-7: Apartheid's Last Biblical Refuge," Biblical Theology Bulletin 20, no. 4 (1990): 161-68; Stanley E. Porter, "Romans13.1-7 as Pauline Political Rhetoric," Filologia Neotestamentaria 3 (1990): 115-39.

[2] Victor Paul Furnish, The Moral Teaching of Paul: Selected Issues, 2nd ed. (Nashville: Abingdon, 1985), 25.

[3] Elizabeth Schussler Fiorenza, "The Ethics of Interpretation: De-Centering Biblical Scholarship," Journal of Biblical Literature 107, no. 1 (1988): 14-15. See also, Daniel Patte, Ethics of Biblical Interpretation: A Reevaluation, 1st ed. (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1995), 1-12.

[4] See the discussion in Leander E. Keck, "What Makes Romans Tick?," in Pauline Theology Iii: Romans, ed. David M. Hay and E. Elizabeth Johnson (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1995), 3-29. Also c.f. James Kallas, "Rom 13:1-7: An Interpolation," New Testament Studies, no. 11: 365-74; J. C. O'Neill, Paul's Letter to the Romans (Middlesex: Penguin, 1975), 207-08.

[5] Joseph Klausner, From Jesus to Paul, trans. William F. Stinespring (New York: Macmillan, 1943), 565.

[6] One suspects that if Paul himself could be summonsed from the grave he would surely rephrase this evaluation of government.